2022年自考：《英语(二)》阅读理解综合辅导训练

The Campaign for Election

Although presidential elections occur every 4 years, many people feel that they do not have a true understanding of how presidential campaigns operate.

The winner in the November general election is almost certain to be either the Republican or the Democratic nominee. A minor-party or independent candidate, such as George Wallace in 1968, John Anderson in 1980, or Ross Perot in 1992 and 1996, can draw votes away from the major-party nominees but stands almost no chance of defeating them.

A major-party nominee has the critical advantage of support from the party faithful. Earlier in the twentieth century, this support was so firm and steady that the victory of the stronger party’s candidate was almost a certainty. Warren G. Harding accepted the 1920 Republican nomination at his Ohio home, stayed there throughout most of the campaign, and won a full victory simply because most of the voters of his time were Republicans. Party loyalty has declined in recent decades, but more than two-thirds of the nation’s voters still identify themselves as Democrats or Republicans, and most of them support their party’s presidential candidate. Even Democrat George McGovern, who had the lowest level of party support among recent nominees, was backed in 1972 by nearly 60 percent of his party’svoters.

Presidential candidates act strategically. In deciding whether to pursue a course of action, they try to estimate its likely impact on the voters. During the 1992 campaign, a sign on the wall of Clinton’s headquarters in Little Rock read, "The economy, Stupid." The slogan was the idea of James Carville, Clinton’s chief strategist, and was meant as a reminder to the candidate and the staff to keep the campaign focused on the nation’s slow-moving economy, which ultimately was the issue that defeated Bush. As in 1980, when Jimmy Carter lostto Ronald Reagan during tough economic times, the voters were motivated largely by a desire for change.

Candidates try to project a strong leadership image. Whether voters accept this image, however, depends more on external factors than on a candidate’s personal characteristics. In 1991, after the

Gulf War, bush’s approval rating reached 91 percent, the highest level recorded since polling began in the 1930s. A year later, with the nation’s economy in trouble, Bush’s approval rating dropped below 40 percent. Bush tried to stir images of his strong leadership of the war, but voters remained concerned about the economy.

The candidates’ strategies are shaped by many considerations, including the constitutional provision that each state shall have electoral votes equal in number to its representation in Congress.

Each state thus gets two electoral votes for its Senate representation and a varying number of electoral votes depending on its House representation. Altogether, there are 538 electoral votes (including three for the District of Columbia, even though it has no voting representatives in Congress). To win the presidency, a candidate must receive at least 270 votes, an electoral majority.

Candidates are particularly concerned with winning the states which have the largest population, such as California (with 54 electoral votes), New York (33), Texas (32), Florida (25), Pensylvania (23), lllinois (22), and Ohio (21). Victory in the eleven largest states alone would provide an electoral majority, and presidential candidates therefore spend most of their time campaigning in those states. Clinton recived only 43 percent of the popular vote in 1992, compared with Bush’s 38 percent and Perot’s 19 percent; but Clinton won in states that gave him an overwhelming 370 electoral votes, compared with 168 for Bush and none for Perot.

汉语翻译：

竞选宣言

尽管美国总统市场竞争每四年举办一次，可是很多人 觉得对竟选对决的运行沒有真正意义上的了解。

11月份总统大选的优胜者基本上肯定是美国民主党或民主党派的提名者。小党派或独立候选人，如1968年的乔冶·迈德思客，1980年的罗伯特·德克尔或1992年和1996年的罗丝·佩罗，很有可能从政党的候选人人那边推走了一些选举票，但基本上没人很有可能击败她们。

大党候选人人具备获得党的忠诚教徒适用这一重要的优点。二十世纪初期，这类适用是这般坚定不移、靠谱，以致于比较大党派侯选人的获胜基本上是毫无疑问的。华伦·G·哈定在俄亥俄州的故乡接纳了1920年美国民主党的候选人，而且在竟选对决绝大多数的时间里都呆在俄亥俄。他节节胜利仅仅由于那时候网络投票的绝大多数是美国民主党屏蔽词员。在近几十年内，屏蔽词员对党派的忠实消弱了，但2/3强的國家的网络投票人仍然觉得他们自己是波罗申科或民主党人，她们大多数适用自身党派的总理侯选人。即便是来有着水准党派适用的民主化人乔冶·麦戈尔，在1972年仍获得了近60%本党派网络投票人的适用。

美国总统人选的个人行为颇注重对策。在确定是不是遵循一项行動战略方针时，她们要尽可能可能一下该战略方针对网络投票人很有可能具备的危害。在1992年竟选对决期内，小石城 尼克松竟选总公司的墙壁有一个品牌，上边写着"经济发展、蠢猪"。这条宣传语是尼克松的顶尖发展战略勒布朗詹姆斯·卡维尔的，想法，做为侯选人和竟选领导班子全体人员的劝世语，使这一场竟选对决集中化在我国迟缓快速增长的资金上，这变成 后战胜美国总统布什的对策。

好似在1980年的经济发展困难时期，杰米·卡持败给了罗纳德·克林顿，网络投票人的主动性关键来自用意更改的心愿。

侯选人尽办主要表现一种强大的领导干部品牌形象。殊不知，网络投票人是不是接纳这一品牌形象，相比侯选人的个人优点来更要借助外界要素。在1991年伊拉克战争后，美国总统布什的得票率做到91%，这也是21世纪30年代逐渐民意测验至今的纪录。一年后，因社会经济陷入绝境，美国总统布什的得票率减少到40%下列。美国总统布什竭尽全力去激发大家对他在战争时期强大的领导干部品牌形象的追忆，但招投标票人仍然关注金钱问题。

侯选人的对策的建立要考虑很多要素，包含宪法学的这一条文：每一个州具备的选举人的投票数与其说在议会中的意味着总数同样。因而，每一个州以其上议院意味着获得二张选举人票，借助其参众两院意味着获得不一样数目的选举人票。一共有538张选举人票。要获得美国总统职位，一个侯选人务必获得大选的多数票，即270张选举票。

侯选人特别关心是不是能获得人口数量很多的州，如佛罗里达州(有54张选举人票)、美国纽约州(33张)、弗吉尼亚州(32张)、加利福尼亚州(25 张)、宾夕法尼亚州(23张)、伊里诺伊斯州(22张)和俄亥俄州(21张)。仅在11个大的州的成功就可给予大选的大部分，因而美国总统侯选人在这些州耗费大多数時间开展主题活动。1992年，尼克松只获得43%的大家选举票，比较之下美国总统布什获得38%，佩罗19%。但尼克松获得适用的州给了压倒优势的370张选举人票，比较之下给了美国总统布什168张，佩罗一张都没有。